Charles Darwin’s On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection had been published by John Murray on 24 November 1859. The 1,250-copy first edition sold out on its day of publication. By June 1860 the second 3,000-copy edition was selling, the book had been reviewed in every major British periodical, and the scientific establishment was openly divided on whether to accept the theory.
The annual meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science was scheduled for the last week of June 1860 at Oxford. The host institution was the newly-built Oxford University Museum on Parks Road. Section D — Zoology and Botany — was scheduled to convene on the morning of Saturday 30 June 1860.
Darwin himself was absent. He was ill at home in Down House. The defence of the Origin had been assigned to his close ally Joseph Dalton Hooker (Director of Kew Gardens) and to the comparative anatomist Thomas Henry Huxley of the Royal School of Mines.
What had happened earlier in the week
The Section D session of Thursday 28 June had heard a paper by an American natural-theology writer named John William Draper on “The Intellectual Development of Europe Considered with Reference to the Views of Mr. Darwin.” Draper’s paper was tedious; the audience was restive; the room was a smaller Museum lecture theatre.
Word had spread by Friday evening that the Saturday morning session would see the Bishop of Oxford Samuel Wilberforce — known to his Oxford undergraduates as “Soapy Sam” for his polished oratorical style — speaking against Darwin. The session was moved to the largest available room in the Museum, the West Hall, which seated approximately 700.
By Saturday morning approximately 1,000 people were trying to enter. The doors had to be guarded. The Bishop arrived to applause.
The exchange
Wilberforce spoke for approximately thirty minutes against the Origin. His scientific points had been prepared in conversation with the comparative anatomist Richard Owen, who had stayed at Wilberforce’s house the previous evening. The points were the standard Owenite objections to Darwin: the absence of transitional fossils, the apparent stability of species over historical time, the difficulty of accounting for instinct, and the impossibility of natural selection producing genuinely new organs.
At the close of his speech Wilberforce turned to Huxley, who was sitting on the platform, and — according to the versions of the story that circulated within hours and then for the next eighty years — asked Huxley whether he claimed his ape descent on his grandfather’s side or his grandmother’s side.
Huxley reportedly turned to the man next to him and said, “The Lord hath delivered him into mine hands.” He then rose and replied. The form of the reply has multiple competing reconstructions but the standard version (Macmillan’s Magazine, 1898) records: “If I had the choice of being descended from an ape, or from a bishop who used his great abilities to obscure the truth, I would not hesitate for a moment to prefer the ape.”
The hall, the legend goes, erupted. A woman fainted. Wilberforce was destroyed; Huxley was triumphant; Darwinism had carried the day.
What actually happened
The contemporary accounts — the letters written by attendees in the first week of July 1860, before the legend solidified — do not match the standard version. The letters of Joseph Hooker (4 July, to Darwin) credit Hooker himself, not Huxley, with the most effective response to Wilberforce. The letters of Charles Lyell (4 July, to Charles Bunbury) describe Huxley’s reply as effective but not theatrical. The letter of Sir John Lubbock (date uncertain) does not describe a woman fainting.
The “grandmother and the ape” joke appears in no first-week account. It is first attested in the Athenaeum’s report of 7 July 1860, in a form that suggests the editor was reconstructing it from second-hand verbal report rather than from an attendee’s note.
The most circumstantially detailed contemporary account — Wilberforce’s own Quarterly Review article of July 1860 — does not mention the ape question and treats Huxley as a competent opponent who failed to refute the Bishop’s main scientific points.
The most likely reconstruction is that Wilberforce did make a passing dismissive remark about ape ancestry, that Huxley did rise and reply firmly, and that the exchange was real but undramatic at the time. The drama was retrospectively constructed by Huxley’s allies (and by Huxley himself in later years) as part of the construction of “Darwin’s bulldog” — the public role Huxley deliberately built for himself through the 1860s and 1870s.
What the legend produced
By the 1890s the Oxford debate had become a canonical episode in the history of the conflict between science and religion. It is the central scene of John William Draper’s 1874 History of the Conflict between Religion and Science and of Andrew Dickson White’s 1896 A History of the Warfare of Science with Theology in Christendom. Both books had a substantial 20th-century afterlife in the public understanding of evolution-versus-creationism debates.
The structure of the Huxley-Wilberforce exchange — scientist humiliates clergyman in single-question takedown — became the template for the dozens of subsequent journalistic accounts of evolution debates, most famously the 1925 Scopes Trial.
Whether or not the takedown happened in precisely those words, the takedown was, retrospectively, what people needed to remember.